The annual Black History observance is a reflection of the prevailing political atmosphere, so in what ways can we modernize it?
We are in Black History Month in the UK, and it seems it’s time for a rethink. As time has passed, an event that began as a commemorative event of heritage, traditions and links between Black populations worldwide, has developed a corporate feel, growing to encompass gatherings where Black people are remunerated to address white audiences about “unconscious bias” and supportive partnership. The demonstrations for racial justice in the 2020s sparked an increase in the industry of displaying cultural sensitivity. However, that period has concluded. The surge has peaked, producing a diluted aftermath of what increasing understanding is for.
The History of Black History Observance
Initially celebrated in the United States and Canada, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as a week dedicated to Negro history by Black scholar Carter G. Woodson with seven days of commemoration and observance in the February's second week. Black History Month grew out of this movement and was officially launched in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the US and Canada in the second month, but also in autumn in the UK, Germany, Ireland and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The period has transformed since its inception, giving reduced attention to the histories of colonial slavery and civil rights battles, and increasingly on prominent Black figures in government, the arts, and social movements, and broadly celebrating the impact Black people have made to shape the country. It is in schools where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with talks and cultural events. But the way the celebration is celebrated is a reflection of the political moment. How it evolves is a valuable example in how co-option leads to erosion: the restructuring of Black History Month has hindered the point of it, which is to confront embedded and established prejudice.
A Jarring Moment
Few things illustrate how crucial it is to reconsider Black History Month more than the current time in which it takes place this year. In the United Kingdom, a revitalized conservative movement in the shape of the Reform political group is leading the polls. In the warmer months we observed the biggest extreme right demonstration in British history. the Conservative leader, the African descendant in charge of the Conservative party, is a firm opponent of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a situation where a elected representative feels empowered to declare that a lack of white people in specific city neighborhoods is a source of worry. Meanwhile, ultra-nationalist movements are growing in Europe as a complete entity.
In the US, a significant offensive against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been brought, frequently with success, to the top legal institutions of the state. A drive to scrub the history of people of color and legacy from the archives is ongoing. One of Donald Trump's initial presidential directives focused on the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the prestigious establishment, claiming they of a “concerted and widespread effort to rewrite our Nation’s history” by depicting the United States “as naturally discriminatory”.
In this context, the observance symbolises how insufficiently it can be influential if it is restricted to either routine organizational acknowledgments, or depoliticized festivities of former accomplishments, rather than challenging the conditions of the current era. It also shows how its limited duration means that it is separated from the more extensive continuous action that is needed. A university professor, a prof at University of Greenwich, put it best when she voiced worries about the short-term symbolic gestures of the celebration. “The difficulty with taking a tokenistic approach”, she stated, “is that it typically leads to that Black History Month becomes a brief show rather than a catalyst for change.”
Reconsidering, Not Discarding
Figuring out how to adapt, revise and extend actions for equal rights and acknowledgment in such moments of dejection and worry is a challenging endeavor. There is a temptation to just do away with things like Black History Month entirely, thinking they are inadequate for current needs, or are remnants of an period that has been ineffective.
But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the whole broad system and heritage of activism for racial justice – community-based BLM initiatives, DEI programs, and certainly, even commercial engagements – form an foundation that a lot of work has gone into. It is there not just to decay as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, declines), but to be a vital organism.
So what would a fresh vibrant Black History Month seem? To begin with, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is dispersed through the year (as various establishments are already starting to implement), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) included in academic syllabi. It would also be a time that does not evade governmental matters, and allows opportunity for individuals, particularly the younger generation, to air their fears and experiences. What use is basic knowledge of the history when it fails to address the current situation of ultra-nationalist gatherings in the public spaces? Institutions who mark it should not be comforted with the neutral terminology of hidden discrimination and sensitivity to “microaggressions”, but challenged by the threats that face all if fight against prejudice is not approached earnestly. In short, Black History Month should be made up-to-date, pressing, and reactive. Maybe an entire name rebrand is necessary – Black History is Now Month.
